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Showing posts with label Religious violence. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Religious violence. Show all posts

Friday, January 28, 2011

Good Sufi, Bad Muslim -- Sightings

In Thursday's edition of Sightings, University of North Carolina Religious Studies professor Omid Safi takes on the issue of dividing Muslims between good and bad.  In this case, pointing to comments made in support of the Parc 51 project by politicians, including former governor David Paterson, who suggested that this project was okay because it was sponsored by mystical (pietistic) Sufi Muslims, who aren't a threat.  Of course the flip side of this compliment is that Sufi Muslims -- unlike Shiite Muslims are okay, but other Muslims, perhaps most Muslims are dangerous.  Safi also takes a look at the call for supposedly "moderate Muslims" to speak out, but who are they?  Are they, in fact, Muslims who stand with the American empire?  It is an important look at the continuing effort to demonize the majority of the world's Muslims. 

I think it is a piece worth looking at, even as we watch forces of change erupting first in Tunisia and now in Egypt.  What will come of all this?  Who are the good Muslims now?  The secularist Mubarak or his opponents? 

Take a read:

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Sightings 1/27/2011



Good Sufi, Bad Muslims
- Omid Safi


One of the lower points in the Park51 Center controversy was the comment by New York Governor David Paterson: “This group who has put this mosque together, they are known as the Sufi Muslims. This is not like the Shiites…They’re almost like a hybrid, almost westernized. They are not really what I would classify in the sort of mainland Muslim practice.”

In a few short sentences, the governor managed to offend Sufis, Shi’i Muslims, as well as westernized Muslims, non-westernized Muslims, and “mainland Muslims” (whoever they are). Paterson overlooked the fact that some Shi’i Muslims are mystically inclined, and that six million American citizens are Muslims, thus there is no question of “westernizing” or “almost westernizing” for them. There is a more disturbing implication hiding in his assertion: the ongoing way in which the general demonization of Muslims, of the kind now routine on Fox News, is accompanied by an equally pernicious game of Good Muslim, Bad Muslims.

There are many versions of this game, but the basic contour stays the same: The assertion that the general masses of Muslims are evil, terrorist-supporters, anti-western, patriarchal, misogynist, undemocratic, and anti-Semitic; and that these masses are set off and defined against either the solitary, lone Muslim good woman or man. The “Good Muslim” is often an individual, or a small circle, because to admit that the larger group of Muslims could be on the right side of the human-rights divide is to have the house of cards of the Muslim demonization game collapse on itself.

There are endless scenarios of this fictitious bifurcation: Reading Lolita In Tehran is “Good Muslim,” unspoken, nameless, faceless masses of Muslims are patriarchal, bad Muslims. Irshad Manji is an Israel-loving “good Muslim” who suggests that Muslims could be blamed for the holocaust, while the majority of Muslims are bad Muslims. Salman Rushdie and Orhan Pamuk are “good” secular or ex-Muslims, defined against the masses of Muslims. It is worth noting how easily and how frequently the “good Muslim” solitary figure ends up being prominently featured on the op-ed pages of the New York Times.

Sarah Palin famously addressed “Peace-seeking Muslims” on Twitter: “pls understand, Ground Zero mosque is UNNECESSARY provocation; it stabs hearts. Pls reject it in interest of healing.” In her inarticulate bifurcation, supporters of Park51 were defined as being outside the “peace-seeking” Muslim category.

The latest version of this bifurcation game of Good Muslim, Bad Muslims is that of pitting Muslim mystics (Sufis) as the “good Muslims” against the majority of Muslims cast as villains. Sufi tradition offers incredible reservoirs for mercy, love, and pluralism. Yet it is inaccurate, and politically appropriative, to present Sufism as disconnected from politics or wider social concerns at best, and as agents of the Empire at worst.

This type of a presentation was prominent in the discussion about Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf, the visionary American Muslim leader behind Park51. Time and again in the presentation of Imam Feisal and his wife Daisy Khan, we were reminded by the New York Times that they represented Sufi Islam, a gentle kind of Islam, nothing like the scary monster of political Islam: “He [Abdul Rauf] was asked to lead a Sufi mosque.” Daisy Khan is described as “looking for a gentler Islam than the politicized version she rejected after Iran's revolution.” Another New York Times article was even more explicit in marking the couple as worthy “good Muslims”: “They founded a Sufi organization advocating melding Islamic observance with women's rights and modernity.”

The suggestion that Sufi teachings are somehow immune to politics, that Sufis have been unconcerned with social issues and questions of justice and politics are problematic. Historically speaking, Sufis have been fully engaged in both challenging political powers and alternately legitimizing political power throughout their history. Prominent Sufis like Abu Sa’id Abi ‘l-Khayr’s legacy has been used in legitimizing political powers, and Sufis such as ‘Ayn al-Qudat Hamadani and Abd al-Qadir al-Jaza’iri have spoken truth to power. In both cases, Sufis have not remained aloof from politics.

The Park51 controversy exposes many underlying assumptions about religion in the public space and politics, particularly in the case of Muslims, who are given two options in this superficial bifurcation game: to be politically destructive in the manner of terrorists or “Islamists”, or to be politically quietist, acquiescing in the face of power. In this “Good Sufi/Bad Muslims” dichotomy, Sufis are asked to line up in the politically quietist camp, so that they can be validated.

This dichotomy ignores a third group of Muslims: Those who, whether mystically inclined or not, want to neither destroy the world nor acquiesce to the wishes of the Empire, but rather seek to redeem the world by speaking truth to power. This group speaks out of the love of God and cries out for the suffering of humanity, defiantly and prophetically standing up for justice and liberation,

And here is where the canard of “Moderate Muslims” comes to play: Ever since 9/11, we have been asked time and again where the “moderate Muslims” are, and why they are silent. No matter how often, and how loudly, Muslim organizations and individuals condemn terrorism, the likes of Thomas Friedman can still famously, and inaccurately, state: “The Muslim village has been derelict in condemning the madness of jihadist attacks… To this day--to this day--no major Muslim cleric or religious body has ever issued a fatwa condemning Osama bin Laden.” No presentation of factual data seems to persuade these critics that Muslims did, do, and will continue to speak out loudly and officially against terrorism. The reason their critics do not hear the moderate Muslims is because they are not listening.

Moving beyond the question of Muslims condemning terrorism, there is the larger question of what exactly makes someone a “moderate” Muslim? In its current usage, the term “moderate Muslim” is as meaningful as a purple polka dot unicorn. If the term moderate implies a balancing point between two extremes, it is a hopelessly vague term in the post-9/11 landscape. If one of the two extremes away from the “moderate Muslims” is easy to imagine (terrorism, Bin Laden, etc.), the other extreme is ill-defined. What are moderate Muslims moderating? If one extreme is terrorism, then what is the other extreme?

“Moderate Muslims” are often defined, and confined, to be supporters of US foreign policy, vis-à-vis some important issues, such as supporting US global military presence, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the Palestinian-Israeli issue. To dare suggest that the United States is today the world’s only military Empire with hundreds of military bases in other countries, or that we have in fact become the Military-Industrial Complex that Eisenhower warned us about, or heaven forbid, that the Palestinians suffer from decades-long, unbearable occupation and violations of human rights, is to define one outside the safe (and lucrative) safe-zone of “moderate Muslim.” Sadly, even the safe-zone is not so safe. Imam Feisal has been sent on political missions abroad by the State Department, yet even he was not safe from being branded by Fox News as a terrorist sympathizer.

If our public discourse about religion and politics is to evolve to a more subtle, and accurate, space, it must get to the point where religious voices that speak from the depths and heights of all spiritual traditions can do more than simply acquiesce in the face of the Empire. They can, and should, speak for the weak, and give voice to the voiceless.



References


Fatemeh Keshavarz, Jasmine and Stars: Reading More than Lolita in Tehran (North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 2008).

Mahmood Mamdani, Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2005).

Omid Safi, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam (North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006).

CBS New York, “Paterson: ‘Mosque Developers Hybrid, Almost Westernized’ Muslims,” August 26, 2010.



Sarah Palin, “Peace-seeking Muslims, pls understand, Ground Zero mosque is UNNECESSARY provocation; it stabs hearts. Pls reject it in interest of healing,” Twitter, July 18, 2010.



Michael M. Grynbaum, “Daisy Khan, An Eloquent Face of Islam,” The New York Times, November 12, 2010.

Thomas L. Friedman, “If It’s a Muslim Problem, It Needs a Muslim Solution,” The New York Times, July 8, 2005.

Dwight D. Eisenhower, “Military-Industrial Complex,” 1961 speech.

Islamic Statements Against Terrorism, compiled by Charles Kurzman, University of North Carolina.



Omid Safi is a Professor of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina. He served as the Chair of the Study of Islam Section at the American Academy of Religion from 2002-2009. He is the author of Memories of Muhammad: Why the Prophet Matters (HarperOne, 2009).


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Sightings comes from the Martin Marty Center at the University of Chicago Divinity School.


Monday, October 25, 2010

Christian Violence -- Sightings

Perhaps you've heard rumors that Muslims are violent, even though they claim to be a religion of peace.  The folks spreading this word tend to be Christians, but as Jesus said be sure to take the log out of your own eye before trying to take the splinter out of your neighbor's eye.  And thus, today, Martin Marty reviews a number of recent reports on the level of Christian violence.  Perhaps we all need to step back and recognize that religiously inspired violence is not the province of any one specific religion, but is a possibility present in all of them (as well as in non-religious communities).  One need not take the story literally to see in the story of Cain and Abel a parable for every age.   Thus, I pass you on to the care and feeding of Martin Marty who offers helpful wisdom on the issue of Christian violence.
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Sightings 10/25/2010



Christian Violence
- Martin E. Marty





“Christians kill too!” is the topic this week as frightened and angry Americans keep raising the temperature of Islam-versus-Everyone-Else controversies. In his new book Christianity and Genocide in Rwanda, Timothy Longman writes that in three months in 1994 more than one-tenth of the population of Rwanda was killed. Longman notes, “Rwanda is an overwhelmingly Christian Country, with just under 90 percent of the population in a 1991 census claiming membership in a Catholic, Protestant, or Seventh-Day Adventist Church.” Killers from these churches engaged in ecumenical savagery, their mass-murdering sanctioned by the church and, as is well-known, often occurred in church sanctuaries turned slaughter houses. “Muslims [1.2 percent of the population] are also said to have participated much less willingly in the genocide and in particular to have resisted killing fellow Muslims,” according to Longman.

Another book much discussed this week is Eliza Griswold’s The Tenth Parallel: Dispatches from the Fault Line between Christianity and Islam. Ms. Griswold spoke at the church where she was confirmed; her father was the Presiding Bishop of the Episcopal Church in the U.S. Hers is a ground-level report along the tenth parallel in Africa and Asia, an area in which half of the world’s 13 billion Muslims and 60 percent of the world’s billion Christians live, die, hope, and kill. One can know those statistics, but it is hard to absorb them. Griswold spent much time with Franklin Graham, who serves people in need and provocatively tries to convert Muslims in dangerous zones. His dismissal of Islam as a wicked and evil religion is well-reported on in the United States—and in Islamic spheres!

Abdullahi Abdullahi, a Muslim lawyer told Griswold of an outbreak of violence: “That was the day ethnicity disappeared entirely and the conflict became just about religion.” One suffering pastor, while citing the Bible, told her of the killing, “This is about religious intolerance; Our God is different than the Muslim God.” At Yelwa in Nigeria Griswold visited killing fields where 660 Muslims were massacred in two days alone; twelve mosques were burned. Archbishop Peter Akinola, well known in the United States, head of the Anglican Church of Nigeria, told her, “No Christian would pray for violence, but it would be utterly naïve to sweep this issue of Islam under the carpet. I’m not out to combat anybody. I am only doing what the Holy Spirit tells me to do. . . Let no Muslim think they have the monopoly on violence.” They don’t. Western encouragers of hatred against Muslims or, if Muslims, against Christians, play with fire--and death.

Disclaimers: First, the Christian apologist in me relishes chances to report on Christian peace-making. Second, there is no interest here in “equivalency” in reporting body-counts when reporting on, say, Africa: Who started each killing, and who killed most settles little. Third, there is no Western (or Christian) self-hate operating here. Finally, reporting on Christian-Muslim killing is not an advertisement for the claims of the Four Horsemen of the current Atheist Front, who argue that if we got rid of religion all would be well.

Following up on the fourth, I look at Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin, a new giant of a book which reports on when, as the Economist report “two totalitarian empires, Nazi Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Union, killed 14 million non-combatants, in peacetime and in war.” The latter was officially atheist, and the former bizarrely disdainful of the faiths. Where did their abolition of religion get us?

Finally, the current Christian Century includes an article by Eliza Griswold, "On the Fault Line," which features Pastor James Wuye and Imam Nuryan Ashaffa who are working with some success to find ways for people in Kaduna to coexist peacefully and creatively across the boundaries of their two faiths.


References


Eliza Griswold, The Tenth Parallel:Dispatches from the Fault Line Between Christianity and Islam (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2010).

---. “On the Fault Line,” Christian Century, November 2, 2010.

Timothy Longman, Christianity and Genocide in Rwanda (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

Timothy Snyder, Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin (New York: Basic Books, 2010).

Martin E. Marty's biography, current projects, publications, and contact information can be found at www.illuminos.com.

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Sightings comes from the Martin Marty Center at the University of Chicago Divinity School.

Thursday, June 10, 2010

The Persecution of Religious Minorities in Iraq -- Sightings

One of the consequences of the Iraqi War has been the dramatic increase of violence toward religious minorities in Iraq. The objects of persecution includes Christians, but they're not the only religious minorities that have been targeted. For many Christians, the days of Saddam were paradise compared to what is being experienced currently.

What many westerners don't realize is that for centuries after the birth of Islam Christians coexisted with their Muslim neighbors, with many Christians serving in positions of power.  The Crusades dampened some of this neighborliness, but didn't completely destroy it.  Interestingly enough, life for religious minorities is more difficult now than it was in the centuries prior.  To get a better sense of what was and why/how it disappeared, one ought to read Philip Jenkins' The Lost History of Christianity.

But, returning to the current state of affairs, Shatha Almutawa, a Ph.D. student at the University of Chicago helps us understand the current context, reminds us that this isn't the way it's always been, and points us to helpful resources.  It is important that we stay up on these developments, because in many ways the American presence has unleashed violence that has affected these groups with great severity.

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Sightings 6/10/10


The Persecution of Religious Minorities in Iraq
-- Shatha Almutawa


About a thousand years ago, a group of Iraqi philosophers in Basra wrote a dialogue between a Muslim in hell and a Muslim in heaven. The Muslim in heaven asked the Muslim in hell what he had done that led him to hell. The Muslim in hell responded that he tried to convert people who did not believe in what he believed, and if they did not agree, he used force against them, killing those who did not yield.

It was the Muslim in hell who waged war against those who didn’t follow his creed, not the Muslim in heaven. The story shows that even a thousand years ago, tolerance and peace were valued by Muslims, even though there were always those who chose violence. The philosophical encyclopedia in which this story appears, Rasa’il Ikhwan Al-Safa, or the Epistles of the Brethren of Purity, was read by Muslims, Christians, and Jews not only in Iraq but throughout the medieval Muslim world, valued especially by the Arab-speaking Jews of Muslim Spain.

But the Iraq of the tenth century is not the Iraq of 2010, a country that is overruled by violent militias, where more than 1,200 suicide bombings have taken place since 2003. Despite the tyranny of Saddam Hussein’s rule and the violence following the 2003 US invasion, Iraq still remains a cradle of many religions, but a rather dangerous one. Besides Sunni and Shia Muslims, today’s Iraq boasts at least six denominations of Christianity, a small Jewish population, and several less-known religious groups such as the Yazidis, Shabaks, and Sabean-Mandeans.

After the Coalition Provisional Authority dissolved the Iraqi military and police force in 2003, militias took over the streets of Iraq, persecuting minorities. With the withdrawal of the US military from Iraqi cities last June, violence intensified in some regions, such as the Nineveh province. Suicide bombings targeted Shabaks and Yazidis, whose religion is influenced by Sufism and Christianity and who are considered heretics by some Muslims.

According to a Human Rights Watch report, the Chaldean Archbishop Paulus Faraj Rahho was kidnapped and later killed in Mosul in 2008. A year earlier Friar Ragheed Ganni and three deacons were shot, and Friar Mundhir Al-Dayr of the Protestant Church was killed in 2006.

But it is not only religious leaders who are targeted. Graffiti on walls tells Christians to leave, loudspeakers from cars spout death threats, and individuals are approached on the street or in their homes, asked what their religion is, and then shot if they give the “wrong” answer. Christians have been fleeing Iraq ever since, their numbers decreasing from one million in 2003 to about half a million now.

What could be causing this violence? Surely there are many factors, including a lack of transparency on the part of the Iraqi government that allows vigilante crimes to take place without consequence; corruption in the same government; as well as abject poverty and a lack of jobs, causing young, unemployed men to be lured by extremists.

With a new government forming in Iraq, new leaders must take steps to protect religious minorities. In addition to addressing the circumstances above, they can stop printing religious affiliation on identity cards, disarm militias, investigate the murders and kidnappings of religious minorities, and do more to bring perpetrators to justice, for the safety and dignity of all citizens.

References:

Human Rights Watch. “On Vulnerable Ground: Violence Against Minority Community in Nineveh Province’s Disputed Territories.” November 10, 2009. 


Robert Fisk. “The Cult of the Suicide Bomber.” The Independent. 14 March 2008.
http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/robert-fisk-the-cult-of-the-suicide-bomber-795649.html


Debbie Elliott and Corey Flintoff. “Report Reveals Corruption in Iraqi Government.” NPR. September 1, 2007.  http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=14117853

David Corn. “Secret Report: Corruption is ‘Norm’ Within Iraqi Government.” The Nation. August 30, 2007.  http://www.thenation.com/blogs/capitalgames/228339

“Iraq Corruption ‘Costs Billions.’” BBC News. November 9, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/6131290.stm

“Iraq: Civilians Under Fire.” Amnesty International. 2010.
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE14/002/2010/en/c9dc5d8d-95fa-46e4-8671-cd9b99d0378c/mde140022010en.pdf



Shatha Almutawa is Iraq Country Specialist for Amnesty International USA. She is a PhD candidate at the University of Chicago Divinity School, where she studies Muslim and Jewish intellectual history.

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This month's Religion and Culture Web Forum features a chapter from literary critic Amy Hungerford's forthcoming volume Postmodern Belief: American Literature and Religion Since 1960 (Princeton University Press, August, 2010). In "The Literary Practice of Belief," Hungerford focuses upon two contemporary literary examples--the novels of Marilynne Robinson and the Left Behind series--in order "to engage (and revise) the current emphasis on practice over belief in our understanding of religion." With invited responses from Thomas J. Ferraro (Duke University), Amy Frykholm (The Christian Century), Constance Furey (Indiana University), Jeffrey J. Kripal (Rice University), Caleb J. D. Maskell (Princeton University), Edward Mendelson (Columbia University), Richard A. Rosengarten (University of Chicago Divinity School), and Glenn W. Shuck (Williams College). 


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Sightings comes from the Martin Marty Center at the University of Chicago Divinity School.

Thursday, May 20, 2010

“Let the Night Roar with It:” Dark Tourism at Jonestown -- Sightings

Jim Jones is one of the more infamous religious leaders in American history.  Just a bit over 30 years ago in the jungles of Guyana, Jones and 900 of his followers died in a mass murder/suicide.  It was a stunning event in our history.  What is interesting about Jones is that he built a very inclusive church and was recognized by the communities in which he worked for his outreach.  What few knew was the megalomania that also drove him.  What is also interesting is that at the time of this event, Jones held standing as a pastor in the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ).  That is, he was a pastor in the same denomination with which I now serve.  People's Temple was one of the largest Disciple churches.  Of course, few in the denomination knew what was happening, and because our congregations and pastors have lots of autonomy there was little that could have been done -- especially then.  Well, Brian Collins writes a Sightings piece today that explores the prospects of tourist visits to the site of the massacre.  It's called Dark Tourism, and apparently it has its predecessors.  Take a read and offer a thought!

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Sightings 5/20/10


“Let the Night Roar with It:”
Dark Tourism at Jonestown
-- Brian Collins


The title of this essay is a quote from the last recorded sermon of the Revered Jim Jones. The speech was accompanied by an exultant ululation from him and his people – a penultimate act of defiance against the U.S. government emissaries they believed had come to Jonestown, Guyana to destroy their way of life. Their ultimate act of defiance was far more consequential.

Jones delivered the sermon on November 18, 1978, the infamous “White Night” in which he led approximately 900 inhabitants of the Peoples Temple Agricultural Project to their deaths by murder and mass suicide. Now, after thirty years of trying to understand what happened to the hundreds of hopeful Americans who tried to build a communal paradise free from bigotry and exploitation in the South American jungle, a growing movement wants to turn the site of the massacre into a “dark tourist” attraction.

The term “dark tourism” refers to the type of tourist industry that has grown up around places like Auschwitz in Poland and Alcatraz prison in San Francisco. An article that appeared earlier this month in The New York Times describes a diversity of opinions among the Guyanese about adding Jonestown to the list. Recently, Guyana’s environmentally destructive rice, sugar, and mining economy has been supplemented by green investment from Norway, an effort to preserve the rain forests that cover seventy-five percent of the country, including what used to be Jonestown. For some, opening the site to dark tourism would be a welcome economic boon, but to others it would be an uncomfortable reminder of the past. “The government’s green initiatives redeem us from a crime which was overwhelmingly committed by Americans on Americans,” says Guyana’s UNESCO delegate David Dabydeen, reminding us that America’s largest civilian loss of life prior to September 11, 2001 occurred outside our borders in an impoverished-post colonial nation – and with no contribution from the natives.

There is nothing necessarily ghoulish about the idea of turning Jonestown into a tourist spot. The idea of tourism as we now know it goes back to the European Grand Tour of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, in which young elites spent months visiting historical destinations and cultural centers across the continent. The purposeful travel of the Grand Tour, with stops at the ruins of long-gone classical civilizations, was the capstone of a pupil’s education. The great Indo-European epics that pupils read before they embarked on the Grand Tour endorse the idea of travel as a necessary part of entering maturity. And in many epics, like the Odyssey, the Aeneid, and the Indian Mahabharata (which the Grand Tourists did not read), the hero’s travels include an instructive visit to the world of the dead. Odysseus summons and speaks to the ghost of the seer Tiresias, Aeneas follows the Cumaean Sibyl into the Underworld and speaks to his dead father, and Yudhishthira, hero of the Mahabharata, descends into the coldest and darkest region of hell as part of a test of his virtue.

In the classically informed European worldview and the pieces of it we have inherited, travel is education. And learning lessons from the dead, either through examining their crumbling ruins or communing with them in a ghostly netherworld, is a necessary part of that education. The 900 dead at Jonestown clearly have something to teach us. But it is far from clear, even thirty years on, what exactly that is.

Reference
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/03/world/americas/03jonestown.html


Brian Collins is a former Marty Center dissertation fellow and a PhD candidate at the University of Chicago Divinity School.



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On April 6, 2010 Richard Land, president of the Southern Baptist Convention’s Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission, spoke at the University of Chicago Divinity School in an event sponsored by the university’s Theology Workshop. This month’s Religion and Culture Web Forum brings audio from Land’s discussion, titled “Christians, Public Policy, and Church and State Separation,” and offers reflections on the event in an introduction by David Newheiser, Ph.D. student and coordinator of the Theology Workshop at the University of Chicago. http://divinity.uchicago.edu/martycenter/publications/webforum/index.shtml



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Sightings comes from the Martin Marty Center at the University of Chicago Divinity School.